Over these last couple of years, U.S. imperialism’s narrative managers have been confronted with a crisis: vast amounts of people across the political spectrum are breaking from the pro-imperialist orthodoxy. The imperial partisans were already growing increasingly concerned over such developments, as shown by their campaign to intensify censorship against anti-imperialist voices and their concoction of the McCarthyist Russiagate psyop. Then the escalation of the Ukraine conflict created a counter-hegemonic coalition, represented by Rage Against the War Machine and the World Anti-Imperialist Platform, wherein the committedly anti-imperialist socialists unified with dissident conservatives and libertarians towards ending the wars.
When the Zionist state inevitably came under existential threat, and everyone became forced to take a side on Palestine, this rise of dissent translated into a scenario where most people on both the left and the right came to oppose the Gaza genocide. Americans of every major political demographic have come to predominantly desire an end to Israel’s atrocities. Which endangers not only Washington’s efforts at saving the Zionist project, but the imperial state’s next schemes; from degrowth austerity, to intensified repression, to war against Mexico.
The elites and their psyop strategists must find ways to neutralize this growing mass opposition towards their agenda. Which they’re doing by working to manage dissent on both the left and the right; they’re seeking to keep the socialist movement isolated from the people, while diverting anti-establishment conservatives and libertarians away from anti-imperialism.
What are they trying to nudge these dissident right-leaning people towards? It’s become apparent that the intelligence centers want those in this demographic to embrace hierarchical fascism. We know this because that’s the idea set being propagated by Bronze Age Pervert, the Israeli asset who’s been working to convince potentially anti-imperialist conservatives that the real solution is to adopt a “Bronze Age” might-makes-right politics.
A mistake that BAP has made is to not try hard enough to keep his associations with the U.S./Israeli psychological influence network a secret. This has not only revealed his persona to be influenced by the intelligence centers, but shown him to be a hypocrite. BAP has tried to posture as being intellectually independent from Zionism, retweeting posts mocking the failures of the Mossad. But the truth is that BAP is himself a product of the Zionist psyop network’s efforts to strategically inject ideas into the discourse. He’s still promoting Zionist propaganda; he’s only doing so by spreading apathy about the oppression of Palestine and other imperialist victims, rather than by outright glorifying Israel. We may as well consider the words from BAP that I’m going to quote as the product of a CIA/Mossad AI program, one designed to prevent disillusioned conservatives from developing a revolutionary consciousness.
As reported this year by Politico, Costin Alamariu, the man behind the BAP persona, has been talking with and boosted by one of the U.S./Israel psyop machine’s major actors. That being Edward Luttwak, who’s written guides on coup d’etats which are widely respected among neoconservatives has and directly worked for the IDF. Says Politico about their relationship and ideological overlap:
Edward Luttwak, the writer of books on military strategy and history, heard from Bronze Age Pervert through intermediaries several years ago. BAP had read a 2012 essay by Luttwak in the London Review of Books about a spate of recent translations of The Iliad and what it said about the epic’s lasting appeal…“He has admirers, he has intense admirers who did everything to connect him to me,” Luttwak said. These, he said, were a “group of people involved in the Washington political scene” who share BAP’s Nietzschean worldview. BAP called Luttwak from Spain, Luttwak said. “As a classicist, he’s very serious,” Luttwak said. BAP’s “ideology reflects a very deep interest and a sophisticated understanding of the Bronze Age.” Luttwak believes that European cultures are dying out because of the abandonment of a Bronze Age ideology that once made them great. “Once you don’t have young people, you don’t have young energies, and you just have cautious old people, society cannot be vigorous intellectually, culturally, or in any other way,” Luttwak said.
Luttwak has shown such sincere passion for BAP’s ideas because proliferating hierarchical fascist ideology isn’t just strategically necessary for Zionists at this moment. The ideology itself also gives them a way to rationalize their participation in the intensifiying genocide against the Palestinian people, and their support for an American imperial order that’s collapsing. Because if they weren’t invested in these fascist ideas, they could easily start coming to see reality, and adopt the same anti-imperialist stances that conservatives like Douglas MacGregor or Scott Ritter have.
People like MacGregor and Ritter have come to be antiwar, with Ritter being outright anti-Zionist, because they’ve recognized that resisting the hegemon is crucial for advancing the collective wellbeing. BAP (or rather the psyop machine that BAP is a mere agent of) seeks to spread apathy about the threat which imperialism poses towards peace and prosperity, and portray cultural and ethnic diversity as the true problem.
This supremacist cultural position is intertwined with an accelerationist economic position, where the ideal future is seen as one where the capitalists can exploit the workers without restraint. As BAP has made clear in his recent commentary on the implications of Javier Milei’s rise, he wants conservatives to reject class consciousness and anti-imperialism in favor of hyper-capitalist social Darwinism. He’s concluded that capitalism’s recent crises in Argentina and elsewhere are not the outcome of intensifying austerity, but of mass migration. Therefore BAP is critically supportive of Milei, as he has hope that Milei will implement the hardline anti-refugee policies which supposedly are the only hope for the world’s capitalist nation-states. That Milei’s agenda of vastly expanded privatization and austerity will inevitably further bring down living conditions is ignored by BAP. Because BAP’s ideas don’t have to be logical; they only have to succeed in their goal of blunting class consciousness.
With his Milei essay, BAP revealed exactly how he and his backers are trying to do this. As shown by the following paragraph, an essential rhetorical tactic BAP uses is to act like the reader already accepts the central premise behind his arguments: that preserving the “demographic and cultural characteristics” of one’s society is instrumental for that society’s success. It’s not a manipulation strategy that will work on those already resistant towards white nationalist talking points, but plenty of people are susceptible to it. So long as they’ve already internalized enough ideas which are compatible with this one, they can come to accept it, and thereby embrace BAP’s arguments against embracing socialist ideas:
If your position is “the poor and conservative many against the decadent and predatory Elite and rich,” why wouldn’t you come to see millions of foreign poor “decent family people” as your allies? Economic populists, even when they have open nationalist and ethnic rhetoric in their beginnings, will always abandon this in favor of importing new clients, and it is rational for them to do so. In many cases they don’t in fact have specifically racial, or national or ethnic-cultural language even by the way: many rightists are dumbly misled when a leftist starts to inveigh against “globalism,” the “IMF,” “international Anglo-Liberalism,” “the transnational elites,” and many such things, into thinking that such a person must surely want to preserve the demographic and cultural characteristics of a particular country or region. But that’s almost never the case: importing millions of Paraguayans, Peruvians, Bolivians in Argentina, or migrants in Basque Country or Ireland may actually come to be seen as “yes we are importing good family people who will stand with us in native solidarity against globalism, Capital, and Neoliberal atomization.” And that is in fact what happened.
When you analyze the trick behind this attempt at persuasion—where BAP treats it like a given that ethnicity and culture hold such a paramount role—it becomes clear that his Machievellian psychological maneuvers are actually extremely basic. Begging the question is one of the first logical fallacies you learn about, and someone doesn’t have to be smart to use it. It isn’t enough, though, for us to only say “these arguments aren’t logical” and then expect the BAP psyop to fail. Thinking logic and reason are sufficient for countering white nationalism is what liberals do. The Marxist way to combat reactionary arguments is by also building a united front against fascism, which under our conditions means creating alliances between the differing anti-imperialist elements.
BAP, the liberals, and the leftists who tail liberals are ultimately on the same side, that being the side of opposing progress. We need to unite with the libertarian-leaning types who share our commitment to fighting the hegemon, because they’re the ones with the proximity towards conservatives to best be able to counter the BAP psyop. He’s targeting libertarians with the argument: “don’t be concerned about fighting monopoly capital.” Which we and the libertarians who’ve joined the anti-monopoly alliance have potential to counter with great effectiveness, as we have material reality on our side.
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