Since the start of the new cold war, monopoly finance capital’s plan to create the cultural conditions for its next warfare activities has been to sell such activities as necessary for leftists to support. The dominant, liberal wing of the ruling elites have been portraying policies that strengthen the monopolies as progressive, so that they can portray all who oppose these policies as fascists. Even though this has been the optimal type of narrative manipulation, as the majority of the people today are against far-right politics and therefore theoretically susceptible to such ideas, it’s becoming increasingly ineffective. With the failure of Biden’s Ukraine proxy war, and now Zionism’s loss both militarily and narratively, the limitations of this strategy have become apparent.
The goal of the highest-level elites was to lead us into world war and liberal totalitarianism, under the guise of advancing social justice. And this has won over a certain element of society (mainly in the professional managerial class). But the closer we get to World War III, and the more our liberties get taken away, the more alienated from liberalism the broader masses become.
We can see this in how both the imperialist officials, and their hired narrative managers, are scrambling to regain dominance. Secretary of State Blinken has been acting overwhelmed and un-confident when speaking about Israel-Palestine, simply reciting the administration’s talking points without conviction that Washington can truly handle this situation. Likewise, the actors in the empire’s discourse-management networks have come to an uncertain and reactive mindset.
One recent action which shows this is their declaration that “from the river to the sea” is to now be considered a call for genocide within the channels of discourse that they control. They’re doing so not in the hope of changing a great amount of minds (as the arguments they put forth are inherently weak) but so that they can create justification for persecuting pro-Palestine individuals. As mass consciousness has unprecedentedly shifted against the favor of the Zionists, they’re looking for whatever means of counter-attack they can find. Why else would they try to bring their “Uyghur genocide” hoax back into the discourse, even though this narrative long ago came under too much scrutiny for it to be an ideal psyop?
Another example of this growing neuroticism among the discourse police is Twitter’s recent “community notes” feature, which acts as a way for the Zionist, anti-China, and pro-NATO propagandists to insert counter-statements onto posts that challenge their ideas. And this isn’t even as invasive as the feature I’ve observed more recently, where Twitter intervened to show me a counter-argument to a popular post I’d liked which described the crimes of Ukraine’s fascist coup regime. The imperfectly written notification also included links to two of the most basic pro-NATO propaganda websites, indicating how hastily it was put together:
Readers added a Community Note to a post to which you replied, Liked or reposted
The statements listed here are all false and part of a russian propaganda campaign. Russia invaded Ukraine on 24. Feb. 2022 in a steep escalation of the war they initiated in 2014. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_the_Russian_invasion_of_Ukraine https://www.usnews.com/news/best-countries/slideshows/a-timeline-of-the-russia-ukraine-conflict
The notification said this was written by users of the app, rather than by company employees or by an AI program. That such a feature was even created, though, shows the narrative managers are trying to give the most fanatical pro-NATO individuals more opportunities to push their arguments. The intelligence agencies obviously still run Twitter, regardless of how its ownership got transferred to Musk. And they knew that introducing this feature would lead to situations exactly like the one I’ve encountered. Because on the pro-NATO social media platforms, the types of people who are most willing to put this much effort into online arguments are the ones who share the State Department’s ideological agenda. And in their view, creating these notifications is evidently worthwhile, so long as it may turn just one mind away from anti-imperialist ideas.
This is the obsessive nature of the liberal order’s discourse management during the time after Russia’s special military operation. In this era, Washington’s challengers have exposed the unprecedented strategic weaknesses of the declining hegemon. Now that Russia’s victory has helped inspire several other anti-imperialist players to take their own bold actions, the need to narratively counter anti-imperialists has gotten all the more urgent.
The anti-colonial revolts by several African countries, Palestine’s Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, and Yemen’s blockade to end the Gaza genocide are only the start of this trend. More are going to join in on this effort to bring siege upon the centers of imperial power. The imperialists see that there’s no stopping this process, and that their military responses to these actions can’t bring geo-strategic victory to the hegemon. The future of imperialist wars is a constant series of failures to regain influence, potentially followed by a U.S. invasion of Mexico out of desperation for a boost in profits.
If the ruling class can’t win the war against the anti-imperialist bloc, its only hope for keeping the system going is to win the war against the people of the imperial center. Four years ago, when the monopoly wing of this class was beginning its efforts to exploit the Covid-19 pandemic, it had a plan for prevailing in such an internal conflict. But that plan depended on victory in the geo-strategic realm, which the hegemon has since lost last hope of gaining. What the liberal elites intended to do was use FBI entrapment to create the perception that MAGA was threatening a civil war; and portray reinforced liberalism as the thing that could keep the country safe from such chaos, as well as from Covid and global warming. Then the Biden administration could provoke Russia into a conflict, which the U.S. elite hoped would end with Russia (as well as broader Eurasia) becoming destabilized.
Without the fulfillment of that requirement, there’s something fundamental missing from their present efforts to police the discourse. In order to purge the anti-imperialist movement, and implement their schemes for “degrowth” austerity and intensified warfare, they need the conversation to be dominated by the notion that illiberalism is the greatest threat. That’s why they’ve pushed the “MAGA is Hitler” idea for so long: they want the most politically engaged people who aren’t on the right to overwhelmingly prioritize fighting the less powerful wing of the ruling class.
They’ve been able to cultivate a layer of ostensibly socialist actors who share this Democrat-aligned agenda, and who’ve thereby tacitly partnered with monopoly finance capital. This hasn’t prevented the authentic sources of dissent from continuing on their mission, though. And with the trifecta of narrative liabilities that the empire has created for itself by pursuing wars in Ukraine, Palestine, and Yemen, these parts of the antiwar movement that aren’t compromised by liberals have potential to gain much more of a presence. Our enemies are flailing, constantly trying out new means of attack whose benefits are negligible or nonexistent. The victory of the Russian people, and the following acts of defiance by other anti-imperialist countries, are corroding the narrative that the liberal order created around itself. The narrative in which NATO will doubtless win because of its unquestionable righteousness.
If NATO and liberalism are worth supporting, why is more and more of the globe rallying to defeat them? That’s the question the liberal order’s partisans can’t answer, like they can’t give an answer to any parts of our economic and social crises. Our movement provides hope which the liberal-aligned gatekeepers, the anti-anti-imperialists, and the other narrative managers can’t give. All they can do is try to create apathy and demoralization around the anti-imperialist cause. If we do the work the cause requires of us, they won’t succeed.
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